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Colombia Peace Presence Update, June 2005

In this Update: www.peaceincolombia.org

A Massacre in Colombia Spurs Activism and Reaction
U.S. House Votes to Renew Plan Colombia
News Briefs
Upcoming speaking tours
Letter From the Field: A Visit to Toribio by Patricia Abbott, CPP field team member

A Massacre in Colombia Spurs Activism and Reaction

By Rebekah Waldron

* Photos below are from 15 vigils held in the United States, Colombia, Canada and Puerto Rico, in response to the February massacre in San José de Apartadó. These and more images and information can be found at: www.peaceincolombia.org

Eight years ago, the people of San José de Apartadó embarked on a critical experiment in nonviolent resistance by establishing themselves as a Peace Community. This year on the anniversary of their founding, the community planned to inaugurate several new humanitarian zones in settlements within the San José district, a new development in the community's efforts to organize their neighbors.

Instead, Peace Community members found themselves mourning the loss of one of their leaders, Luis Eduardo Guerra, his companion, his son, and five others, each of their names were painted on a stone for a remembrance ceremony held on March 23. 

According to the Peace Community and the Corporation for Judicial Liberty, army soldiers detained Luis Eduardo, his son Deiener and companion Deyanira Arieza, on Feb. 21 near the Mulatos River.

The following day, body parts belonging to Alfonso Bolivar, Sandra Milena Munoz, their two children, 18 months and 6 years old, and Alejandro Pérez were discovered on a nearby farm, where a witness reported seeing army soldiers firing into the house. The bodies of Luis Eduardo, Deyanira and Deiner were found at a second site nearby.

When the community’s leaders received this information, they immediately requested an official investigation and organized a delegation of community members and international accompaniment volunteers to go to the massacre sites for the exhumation of the bodies. It took over two nights for the Attorney General's office to arrive at the second site where the community waited. In their grief and frustration at the government’s perceived lack of responsiveness, the Peace Community issued a statement calling for national and international solidarity, "to demand that the strategy of terror against the San José Peace Community and the civilian population in the district comes to an end."

In a tremendous show of support in the month following the killings, hundreds of friends from the Peace Community's national and international network came forward to express their profound sadness and outrage at the loss of these eight lives and the prevailing atmosphere of impunity. Human-rights advocates, grassroots activists and religious leaders collaborated to support a letter that was signed by 32 U.S. Congressional Representatives and sent to Colombian President Alvaro Uribe.

In multiple locations people gathered in the streets for actions to commemorate Luis Eduardo's legacy and mobilize others to pressure the Colombian government to conduct a full and transparent investigation respecting the rights and dignity of the Peace Community. 

In San Francisco, Colombian-Americans, solidarity groups and family members of one of the FOR Peace Presence volunteers, passed out fliers in front of the Colombian Consulate, educating onlookers and gathering signatures on various petitions. In Bristol, England, university students staged a protest at a lecture given by Vice President Francisco Santos entitled, "A Democratic Response to Terrorism." The protestors created a visual representation of those killed in the massacre and threw paint at the Vice President as a symbol of the politically motivated murders that continue to be ignored by the Colombian government.

In Washington DC, a vigil in front of the U.S. State Department brought attention to demands that certification of a portion of the military aid package to Colombia - $35 million - be suspended, in light of the Peace Community’s allegations that the Colombian military was directly involved in the massacre. On May 6, activists held vigils in a dozen cities calling for an investigation and for an end to US military aid to Colombia. The vigils reinforced ongoing letter-writing campaigns and call-in days to Secretary of State Condolleeza Rice that have been successful so far in delaying certification of the aid. In response to a question about San José, one State Department official said, "Colombia is putting us to the test on certification; they're going to have to work for it."

In contrast to this support for the Peace Community during this crisis, the Colombian government has used the massacre to attempt to dismantle the very idea of a peace community without armed groups. On March 20, President Uribe publicly stated, "In this community of San José de Apartadó there are good people, but some of its leaders, sponsors and defenders are seriously alleged by people who have lived there of supporting the FARC and of wanting to use the community to protect this terrorist organization." 


Peace Police?

Soon after, Colombian police forces entered San José without the consent of the Peace Community. They were preceded by a procession of psychologists, sociologists, people with video cameras and clowns announcing the invasion and handing out fliers proclaiming the police were arriving to conduct conflict resolution, educational work with children and social services.  Since then, the police have been occupying the town center while heavily armed counter-guerrilla forces have established a presence nearby.


This recent development is in direct conflict with the provisional measures issued by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2000. These measures state that the Peace Community must be consulted and consent to protective measures provided by the Colombian government.  The community and Vice-President’s office had been negotiating conditions for a police post outside the San José town center, when the February massacre occurred.

To maintain their stance of neutrality and to resist the actions of the police, more than 400 people displaced from San José, setting up a refugee settlement on “La Holandita,” a farm belonging to the Peace Community. While community members have worked cooperatively to raise temporary shelters, build ovens and other basic necessities, conditions at the La Holandita have left the community in a vulnerable position. 

According to FOR volunteers who accompany the community, there is poor sewage irrigation, limited electricity and up to ten people living together in each house. Children are not able to continue their education and shopkeepers have lost their markets and bakeries. As of April 16, the community reported that police were threatening to allow families from the town of Apartadó to move into the vacant homes of displaced Peace community members if they did not return to San José. 

The situation continues to be a precarious one; in addition to wanting to uphold the values of the Peace Community, members also fear returning to San José while the police still maintain a post there would put them at risk of an attack by FARC guerrillas.

It is not yet clear what the strategy of the Peace Community will be as they reinvent their movement in response to current threats to their stability. However, the public outcry that has emerged from the pain over the loss of Luis Eduardo and the seven others who were killed has proven that the Peace Community is not alone in their struggle. The memory Luis Eduardo survives in the actions of those who take a stand against the forces threatening to diminish what they have so bravely built during their lifetimes. Now is the time to affirm the reasons to hope, and help carry his vision forward.

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U.S. House Votes to Renew Plan Colombia

Last night, the U.S. House of Representatives debated whether to continue to send military aid to Colombia as part of the 2006 Foreign Appropriations bill. Since Plan Colombia began in 2000 the United States has poured billions of dollars into this failed plan. The Bush administration requested an additional $750 million for funding to Colombia, $600 million of it military aid. Reps. McGovern (D-MA), McCollum (D-MN) and Moore (D-KS) sponsored an amendment to cut $100 million from money earmarked for the Colombian armed forces. After a lengthy debate the amendment failed 189-234.

FOR and many other groups carried out a call-in campaign to encourage members to vote in favor of the amendment to cut aid. While we were disappointed, of course, that the amendment didn't pass, it is important to note that Colombia was the single most hotly-debated issue on the foreign operations bill, the most important piece of annual legislation governing U.S. foreign policy. Many of you helped make this happen. Thanks to all of you who pressured your representatives--the "yes" votes reflect your efforts.

Several members spoke eloquently about Plan Colombia's failure as drug policy, the inhumane nature of the aerial spraying program and the need to have a balanced policy focused on development aid. Others addressed the lack of improvements in human rights and how the demobilization bill just passed in Colombia gives human rights violators and drug traffickers a “get-out-of-jail free card.”

Special thanks go to Reps. McGovern, McCollum and Moore for co-sponsoring the amendment to cut aid and to minority leader Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) and minority whip Rep. Schakowsky (D-IL) for their active support. We are also grateful to those who spoke passionately in favor of the amendment, including Reps. Farr (D-CA), Skelton (D-MO), Obey (D-WI), Lowey (D-NY), Honda (D-CA), Paul (D-PA) and Meeks (D-NY), and to the 189 members who voted yes. Reps. Leach (R-IA) and Van Hollen (D-MD) were not able to speak, but submitted comments in favor of the amendment for the record. If your member voted yes - and especially if your member spoke in the debate - thank them! If s/he voted no, make a quick call to complain. To see how your representative voted, click here http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2005/roll329.xml


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News Briefs

Army Generals Questioned for Failure to Protect San José de Apartadó
(Source: Colombia This Week)

The Colombian Inspector General’s office (Procuraduria) has charged four high-ranking army officials with omission, after failing to protect the inhabitants of the peace community of San José de Apartadó. According to reports, Gen. Carlos Enrique Vargas and Gen. Pablo Alberto Laverde, both former commanders of the 17th brigade based in Carepa (Antioquia) failed to protect the villagers between the year 2000 and the year 2002. During this time, paramilitaries from the Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) committed several incursions in the community, killing civilians in roadblocks, stealing money from the community, burning houses, forcibly displacing families and making death threats, El Colombiano reports.

(If you would like to be put on the Colombia This Week mailing list, please send an e-mail message to Colombia_this_week@hotmail.com, indicating why you would be interested in receiving this summary.)


New
Colombia Law Grants Concessions to Paramilitaries
(Source: The New York Times)

On June 22, Colombia's Congress approved the new "Peace and Justice Law" that grants generous concessions to paramilitary commanders accused of various atrocities and cocaine trafficking. This law, which governs the disarmament of the country's death squads, would apply to about 20,000 paramilitary soldiers and shield them from serious punishment.

The law has drawn criticism from those whose lives have been affected by paramilitary violence and from human rights activists who feel that the law perpetuates an atmosphere of injustice and impunity. Members of the U.S. Congress have also voiced concern that this law would not hold paramilitary forces accountable for their role in drug trafficking.

"We want to see the armed groups demobilize, but this law rewards some of Colombia's worst terrorists and drug traffickers without any assurance that their criminal organizations will be dismantled," said Senator Patrick J. Leahy, a Vermont Democrat who works on Colombia policy. Eighteen paramilitary commanders are listed among Colombia's top drug lords.

For a complete article go to: www.nytimes.com/2005/06/23/international/americas/23colombia.html

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Upcoming Speaking Tour by San José de Apartadó Peace Community Members

The FOR will be sponsoring a member of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó on a speaking tour leading up to the Partnering for Peace conference (Chicago, Oct.21-23). We also hope to invite another member of the community to attend the annual School of Americas Watch Vigil and Protest at the gates of Fort Benning, GA, Nov. 18-20. If you are interested in hosting a speaking engagement in your area during the month of October please contact us at 415-495-6334 or forcolombia@igc.org.




Letter from the Field: A Visit to Toribio

By Patricia Abbot, CPP volunteer

This month, the FOR team took a trip to the southern department of Cauca. This was part of the ongoing assessment of the ways in which the new FOR office in Colombia broaden our work here beyond San José de Apartadó. It was the first time that FOR has visited this part of the country. One of the key reasons we went to this area was to meet the indigenous groups who live there and learn more about their process and the struggles they face.

We especially wanted to visit the indigenous town of Toribio, which in April made international news when the FARC guerrilla group launched a series of gas cylinders into its town center in an attack upon the police post that had been installed there. The police and military responded with full force and civilians in the area were forced to flee their homes as the two sides spent days attacking each other. One young boy was killed in the attack, many people were injured and many homes were destroyed.

We arrived in Toribio over an hour later than planned. This was because the local bus we were climbing up the mountains in unwittingly traveled into combat between the FARC and the military. We sat for what seemed to be an eternity in our bright red bus on that tiny road high up in the mountains and watched 300-500 heavily armed soldiers from the military pass us, hearing occasional bursts of machine gun fire and the sounds of helicopters over head. In a surreal twist the national Colombian football team was at that moment playing a World Cup qualifying match against neighbor Ecuador. Our tense wait was thus broken every few minutes by gleeful shouting of GOOOOAAAALLLL by the presenter on Radio Tropicana, which echoed across the mountain, mixing with the sounds of war. Colombia went on to win 5-0 and we eventually were given the go-ahead to move on. We arrived at Toribio without further incident.

Toribio was larger than I had imagined, with well over 100 houses and a large town square and park. The signs of the FARC attack were still very clear. There were 4 or 5 houses completely destroyed, and bullet pock-marks in many others. There were about 15 mini police posts made of sandbags situated throughout the town. The majority of these were located next to people¹s houses and we were told there was no consultation between residents and the police about where they were placed. One woman commented dryly if the FARC attack the town again the sandbags would probably be the only things that would be left standing. The people we spoke to said the police kept to themselves pretty much and didn’t pretend they were part of the community, but the sight of so many of them wandering around the town with their machine guns over their shoulders was chilling. Especially after that afternoon’s journey had shown so clearly that the FARC are all over those mountains and not afraid to attack its “enemies”.

Ninety percent of the people who live in Toribio belong to the indigenous group Nasa, one of the best organized in the country. They have been challenging the government for more than 20 years in order to have recognition of their ancestral land rights, recognition of their native language and a number of other issues, including economic independence. We slept in the Youth Center, which was full of people taking classes or planning projects every day, even Sunday. As one community leader told us, "education is vital for us. We need to make sure that we keep educating the young people about their identity, their history and their rights, so that they can know who they are and where they descend from, and that the war in which they find themselves in the middle of is not their war."

We spent our second afternoon in the area accompanying a local priest who was going to another hamlet to say mass. Or at least that was what we thought. But we realized when we started on the journey we were actually the ones being accompanied, with two young members of the Indigenous Guard walking quietly beside us throughout the journey. The Indigenous Guard is the solution the indigenous people who live in these mountains have developed to keep them safe from all sides. Unarmed except for a baton which they purify in traditional ceremonies, the Indigenous Guard is one of the most successful branches of the Nasa project. On a number of occasions, without spilling a drop of blood, they have successfully taken back members of their community and internationals who had been kidnapped by one of the armed groups. In September 2004, they protected 65,000 people as they marched 60 miles across the south of the country in the March for Justice, Happiness, Dignity and Liberty.

After about half an hour walking through the breathtaking mountains, we arrived at the house where the mass was to be given. Like many I had seen on our journey up here, it had a large white flag flying outside of it. After the service I asked the lady who lived there whether she feels that the armed groups respect the flag she flies outside of her house and her desire to stay out of the conflict that rages all around her. She replied that none of the armed groups respect the rights of civilians to live and work peacefully on their land without involving themselves in the conflict, but she still flies the flag because it is a symbol of what she believes and her hope for the future. This hope, she said firmly, is something no man with a gun could take away from her.


If you have any further questions about the FOR Colombia program, please contact us. Thank you again for your ongoing support.

In Peace,

Marcie Ley

Interim Colombia Program Coordinator
Fellowship of Reconciliation
Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean
2017 Mission St. #305, San Francisco, CA 94110
phone: (415) 495-6334, fax: (415) 495-5628
www.forusa.org


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