Winter 2008 Featured Story A Saffron Revolution in the Making? Or Defeated? by Richard Deats
I went to Burma in September 2007 to facilitate nonviolence training with a group of Burmese activists who had requested help. For the most part employed young men – some Christian, some Buddhist – they shared the widespread determination to bring freedom to their country and hoped that Aung San Suu Kyi’s nonviolent way would prevail. They said that the country, long under the grip of a repressive military dictatorship, appeared to be approaching the point of a nonviolent uprising, perhaps similar to the mass marches and rallies that had taken place in 1988. Though that revolt had been brutally put down by the armed forces, things seemed to be more propitious at this time. Strong development of Burma’s many natural resources has benefited the ruling class, but poverty of the masses has continued. Once the “rice bowl” of Asia, this land of 54 million now has to import rice. Tight military control has not eased and the most loved citizen in the country, Aung San Suu Kyi, has remained under house arrest for 12 of the last 18 years. A mood of anger was growing, outpacing the fear that oppressors thrive on. Many Burmese were impressed by the widespread occurrence of unarmed mass movements around the world, especially the “People Power” revolution in the nearby Philippines that in 1986 nonviolently brought down the dictator, Ferdinand Marcos. There and in many other countries, the International Fellowship of Reconciliation and its branches have carried out nonviolent education, workshops, and trainings. In response to an invitation that was extended to the U.S. Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) in the spring, at length a plan was set in motion. An FOR member, traveling to Rangoon in the summer, took a number of articles there for the group to study. DVD copies of a Burmese edition of the excellent film, A Force More Powerful, were donated, as were sufficient frequent flyer miles to get me to Southeast Asia. The host group arranged for my meals and lodging. The workshops, four hours a day, were mostly held in an out-of-the-way home in the suburbs as well as in quiet corners of restaurants where we had our meals. As gatherings of more than five people require police permission, we did not exceed that number each day, not wanting to raise suspicions. When we met outsiders I was introduced as a “tourist.” I was cautioned not to refer to Aung San Suu Kyi. Her name, writings, and photos are not allowed, despite the fact that she and the National League for Democracy she heads overwhelmingly won the nationwide elections of 1990. The only Nobel Peace Laureate in the world imprisoned, she is considered by the military junta as a dangerous troublemaker, but this has only increased her mystique and status. I was told, “Simply refer to ‘the Lady’ in a soft voice.” Fear was pervasive as informers are everywhere and one does not know who might tip off the authorities. However, things can change. And they did. As Suu Kyi had earlier written, “Sometimes revolutionary change can take place in 24 hours.” On August 15th, without prior announcement or explanation, the government established steep new energy prices. Gas and diesel doubled in cost and the price of natural gas increased 500%. This of course set in motion price increases throughout society on many, many commodities and services. For such a poor society, great hardship followed. The anger of the people could not be contained. The wealthy class and the ruling generals were so out of touch with the people that they assumed they would get their way, however harsh it might be. Protests began to occur around the country, quiet and small at first. From mid-August and into September, demonstrations grew in size and importance, fueled by further anger when the military refused to apologize for beating monks in the early protests. By September 18th, when public marches started in the two major cities, Rangoon (population 5.5 million) and Mandalay (1.2 million), the streets could hardly contain their numbers. Mandalay has 200 Buddhist monasteries and thousands of monks. From their number came thousands of protesters. Ten thousand monks there began marching to demand justice and freedom. Some held their begging bowls upside down, indicating they would not accept offerings from soldiers, their families and supporters – a frightening judgment among the faithful. Banners of the peaceful marches read “Love and Kindness Must Win Over Everything.” The brown-and-saffron-clad monks, walking barefooted, chanted the Metta Sutta – words of the Buddha on loving-kindness – and carried large posters of him.
In Rangoon, monks, now joined by nuns clad in pink robes, gathered for prayers at Shwedagon Pagoda, the holiest shrine in Burma. It was here on August 26, 1988 where Aung San Suu Kyi’s eloquent call for freedom electrified some one million people gathered there, buoyed by the nationwide strike that had begun on August 8th – remembered as the auspicious date of 8.8.88. Now, almost 20 years later, the determined monks and nuns – chanting the Metta Sutta – marched through the streets, and were soon joined by increasing numbers of civilians. Boldness and excitement grew as government forces stood by. Reports came of abbots endorsing the protests. The Federation of All Burma Young Monks Unions called on students and civilians to join in (at first the monks had advised them not to, lest they be beaten and arrested). Since 1988, the government has gone to great lengths to curry favor with the religious establishment, repairing pagodas and building beautiful new ones, and giving generous alms. But whatever goodwill and support they had achieved was destroyed in the unmasked brutality that was to come. On September 22nd, hundreds of monks and others approached the barricaded entrance to University Avenue where Aung San Suu Kyi lives, without phone or other contact with the outside world. Unexpectedly, the armed guards pulled away the barricade and allowed the protesters to walk to her house prison. She had not been seen nor heard from in four years and there were rumors that she was ill. But, wearing a yellow blouse – symbol of protest, color representing the Order of Buddha – she came out of the house waving and greeting her visitors. With tears in her eyes she heard their chanting of the Metta Sutta and others calling out, “Be free very soon” and “Be in good health.” Armed soldiers, in blue uniforms with heavy shields and helmets, stood between her and the visitors but it was a moment filled with grace. Over the years, in true Gandhian fashion, she had talked with her armed captors, learning of their lives, their hopes and dreams. Protests continued to grow and on September 24th, news releases showed 100,000 monks, nuns, and civilians marching in Rangoon. In 1988 the world saw little of what happened in this far away land. But in the age of the Internet, photos, interviews, and stories spread in all directions. The best reports and photos could be found daily on Irrawaddy (www.irrawaddy.org), a Burmese print and online service from Thailand. But it was too good to last. The alarmed government called for a harsh crackdown. People were ordered off the streets. Soldiers shot and beat protesters, including monks and nuns. Arrests and jail followed. More ominous, the military began night raids, brazenly invading monasteries, trashing them and dragging off monks suspected of subversion. Some of the activists fled to the Thai/Burma border, and many went into hiding, especially the known activists. The government, to stop the flow of news, cut the Internet and stepped up censorship of news in and out of the country. A joke that made the rounds was that of a Burmese person who went to a dentist in India. “Why didn’t you just go to a Burmese dentist?” asked the Indian treating him. “Because” was the reply, “in Burma you can’t open your mouth.” Extensive debate took place at the United Nations, including the Security Council. Burma’s leaders were seen as pariahs, brutally ordering not only the clubbing of peaceful protesters but opening fire on them. On October 2-3 in Geneva, the U.N. Human Rights Council said it “strongly deplored the continued violent repression of peaceful demonstrations in Myanmar.” This was adopted by consensus that even included China, Burma’s main trading partner – which is normally reticent to openly criticize Burma. The U.N. Secretary General sent an emissary to Rangoon to meet with government officials and Aung San Suu Kyi. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations made an unprecedented vote in condemning Burma. In the past such an action was considered interfering in the internal affairs of a member nation. The United States called for sanctions, freezing the bank accounts and other holdings of governmental leaders in this country. Japan, Burma’s biggest aid donor, indicated that it may cut off all aid. However, the three countries that matter the most – China, India, and Russia – refrained from really effective action. As the biggest economic players in Burma, they did not want to endanger their lucrative access to her timber, gems, oil and gas. On October 4th, Burmese Christians – with leadership initiated by the Baptists of Kachin state – began a 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. fast and prayers for the release of the protesters and for peace to prevail. Collections were taken for relief of the needy. The one million Burmese Baptists have an impressive record of studying peace and nonviolence in their seminary and churches, aided by the long involvement there of the Baptist Peace Fellowship. The country is 89% Buddhist, 4% Muslim and 4% Christian (of whom 3% are Baptist). On October 5th, sixty Nobel Laureates, led by Elie Weisel, called on the world – especially China, Russia, and India – to condemn Burma’s repressive policies. By November, over 200 human rights and civil society organizations in 17 countries had issued statements condemning the junta’s actions.
What does the future hold? Many are saying that the protests in the end were to no avail. Time magazine, in its October 25 story “Anatomy of a Failed Revolution” called it a “brief, shining – but ultimately doomed – uprising.” Does brute power have the last word? Many called Gandhi “a spent force” after the myriad struggles of the Indian uprising, such as the horrific Amritsar massacre by British troops in 1919 when hundreds of unarmed children, women, and men were gunned down by Brigadier Reginald Dyer’s men. Gandhi nonetheless believed in the power of the indomitable will that is undergirded by satyagraha – Truth Force. Words of the beloved hymn, “Once to Every Man and Nation,” reflect this same affirmation: Though the cause of evil prosper The struggle goes on Bold public displays of resistance, for the most part, have given way to quiet but unrelenting actions (given the wall of censorship, it is hard to know the degree to which these and similar actions are continuing):
Some of these actions are relatively low risk, but they add up to the ability of the citizenry to continue their resistance. They draw upon the growing inventory and experience of nonviolent actions that can in time achieve long-term goals. By refusing to return to the status quo, fear is held at bay and hope is sustained. It is crucial to remember Gandhi’s teaching that governments, whether benign or rapacious, depend upon the populace for support. If that support is withdrawn, the ability to govern weakens. A critical mass can in time bring a government down. In the Philippines, when it appeared that Marcos was going to declare martial law, Cory Aquino called her key leaders together and for a day they mapped out a six-month nonviolent defiance campaign against the illegitimate rule of Marcos. His support collapsed before the campaign got underway, however, and he fled the country. I had a conversation with nonviolence activist and educator John Dear about the amazing nonviolent actions of the Burmese and what this teaches us. He said he wondered what would happen in this country if thousands of clergy, nuns, and religious leaders were to march around the White House, Congress, and the Pentagon for weeks, demanding an end to the war and the neglect of the poor and hungry. What if “business as usual” changed and we were to really challenge this unending war? ********* At the final session of our nonviolence workshop in Rangoon on September 17th – the day before the huge public marches began – we reflected on the deep wisdom of Martin Luther King’s words, “The arc of the universe is long but it bends towards justice.” We hold on to that faithful insight in the long struggle – that not just the Burmese but the whole human family is engaged in – to build a world of peace, justice, and freedom.
Richard Deats is editor emeritus of Fellowship and the former executive secretary and interfaith coordinator of the Fellowship of Reconciliation. He has led nonviolence workshops around the world.
Footnote: The military government changed the name of Burma to Myanmar and Rangoon to Yangon in 1989. Some, including myself, refuse to honor this name change by the generals. ©2008 Fellowship of Reconciliation |
