Nonviolent Martyr: Governor Guillermo Gaviria of Colombia

by Glenn D. Paige

The killing of Antioquia State Governor Guillermo Gaviria Correa on May 5, 2003, among ten hostages massacred by FARC guerrillas in reaction to a military rescue attempt, deprived Colombia and the world of a major nonviolent political leader.

Guillermo Gaviria Correa was born in Medellín in 1962, eldest son of a family prominent in politics, publishing, and business. After a decade of innovative public service including stints as Antioquian Secretary of Mines and General Director of the Colombian Roads Institute, he campaigned for "A New Antioquia" in 2000. He was overwhelmingly elected governor by 600,000 of the six million people in Colombia's most populous state.

Gaviria's brief but dynamic governorship was profoundly rooted in the principles and practices of nonviolence; he wanted all Antioquians to be educated in nonviolence and trained in the skills of putting it into practice. In office, Gaviria was able to combine the powers of government with those of popular political leadership. He engaged more than 5,000 leaders in a process to clarify Antioquia's priority problems and to suggest solutions for them. This undertaking produced a Strategic Plan of Action and a Congruent Peace Plan. Personally leading marches and caravans together with First Lady Dr. Yolanda Pinto de Gaviria, he awakened citizen participation for implementation.

The most dramatic of these actions was the five-day, thousand-person March of Reconciliation and Solidarity to Caicedo, a mountain coffee-growing town eighty-five miles from the capital, Medellín. The March (running from April 17 to 21, 2002) was intended to express solidarity with the FARC-threatened people of Caicedo, who had declared themselves a nonviolent community, and to seek reconciliation with the guerrillas. The Governor had disagreed with Colombian President Andrés Pastrana's February 23 decision to terminate peace talks with the FARC. He ordered the police and the army not to protect the March and not to rescue him or retaliate if he were kidnapped or killed.

On April 21, just short of Caicedo, the March was stopped by the FARC. The governor embraced his wife: both knew he might not return. He went forward with three companions to talk with the guerrillas. Six hours later two of the companions came back with the news that the governor and his peace commissioner, former defense minister Gilberto Echeverri Mejia, had been kidnapped. They spent a year in captivity. During that time Gaviria expressed in messages to his wife ever greater commitment to nonviolence and said that when free he intended to resume the March to Caicedo. On May 5, together with his peace commissioner and eight captive soldiers, Guillermo Gaviria was murdered by his captors when the military ignored his instructions and attempted a rescue.

Guillermo Gaviria showed the world how a democratically elected political leader can courageously work for nonviolent social justice from the "top down." His efforts were no less important than those of Gandhi and King seeking freedom and justice from the "bottom up." The convergence of these strategies offers the best hope for the survival and well-being of humanity. Transcending death, Gaviria's legacy continues to challenge Colombia and the world in the slogan of the March to Caicedo. " Sí…Hay un camino: la Noviolencia." Yes. . . There is a way: Nonviolence.

Glenn D. Paige

 

Guillermo Gaviria's Last Letter to his Father

Mountains of Colombia
January 2, 2003

Dear Father:

I remember when I was first thinking about the Caicedo March I would purposely avoid talking to you about it; I knew you would not agree with my plans. During the preparation and promotion process I preferred to maintain discretion and I think you understood my reasons. Despite the fact that you considered my approach to be dangerous and probably useless (as you warned me many times) you respected my decision with deep resignation. But you were right as usual, and I always knew it.

Just as you predicted, the results of the march have not been what I so fervently hoped for. I put myself at risk and affected the well-being of our family and loved ones. You were also right in forecasting my inability to continue fulfilling my responsibilities as a governor trying to restore Antioquia, turning into reality everything promised to our people. You were right when you predicted the slight chance we had for FARC- EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army) to recognize this march as an opportunity for a nonviolent reconciliation. Unfortunately, FARC-EP decided to ignore our call for nonviolence, a call that was slowly but surely starting to rise in Antioquia. They instead chose to take us hostage, taking away our freedom along with the possibility of constructing a good and honest government that would listen to the people’s needs.

Despite obvious limitations due to my captivity, I believe that part of my original purpose has been preserved. And not only that: I realize that the philosophy of nonviolence has quickly spread among the inhabitants of Antioquia, exceeding my own expectations.

More often than not, we imagine social transformations will occur in a matter of months when they actually take generations, along with some luck…or lots of luck, I should say! Father, I am conscious that to introduce and promote such a demanding way of understanding our role in society constitutes a challenge that will require the work of a lifetime. I am also aware that there are many people in Colombia, especially among our own “leaders,” who believe we are “too violent” to incorporate into our way of thinking Gandhi’s, Martin Luther King’s, or even Jesus Christ’s ideas, which would allow us to modify our methods of dealing with problems, injustices, and violence itself.

Call it stubbornness, but I rather think of it as perseverance: I still believe that sooner than later the Antioquian community, and maybe all of Colombia, will look for the strength that only nonviolence offers.

In the midst of captivity, it comforts me to perceive myself as a contributor in portraying nonviolence as an alternative path that could direct our people to finally recognize the urgent necessity for a change in attitude. It consoles my soul to learn that our kidnapping has at least been an instrument to shake public opinion; it keeps national interest focused on the misfortune of thousands of hostages (particularly victims in the military). They themselves claim, “It seems that FFAA [Armed Forces] and Colombians have never before shown a genuine interest in mending the situation that demoralizes the country they so proudly defend.”

I am conscious that the consequences of my actions affect others besides me. It must be a tough situation for you and Mother, as well as heartbreaking for the rest of the family and my wife, not to mention the kids Mateo and Danny. Perhaps this is the true reason that stopped me from writing to you previously. A devastating feeling of guilt overwhelms my spirit every time I think of how much you must be worrying and suffering because of me. Please, Father, be so kind as to forgive me for not taking you into consideration and for making you undergo such horrifying moments; I think indeed I should ask not just you, but everybody else, to forgive me too.

On the other hand, what is then the correct way for a governor in Colombia to lead his people if his beliefs lean toward nonviolence? Should he continuously avoid dangerous situations for the sake of safeguarding his family from pain and suffering? How does he reach a balance between his own safety and the inevitable risks that accompany being a governor in Colombia today? Could he pursue the path to nonviolence without getting himself involved with the various forms of violence that surround every corner of this country? How could he face injustices and attempt to dismantle them and overcome them when he is constantly and mostly worried about his own safety? Is it not that fort, ironically, the one we build around governors in order to protect them, that makes it impossible for them to see the reality in which their people struggle everyday? There are so many questions, yet so few answers, and unfortunately, those answers are not very hopeful for the short run.

As time passes, my confidence about the benefits of spreading and promoting nonviolence in Antioquia grows stronger. It is not about using nonviolence as a tool to try to transform FARC-EP attitudes. Before we can aim that high, it is absolutely necessary for the people of Antioquia to familiarize themselves with the concept of nonviolence and to adopt it, to the best of their abilities, as their own. We need nonviolence as a society to overcome our mistakes and transform the cruel reality suffered by so many in Antioquia. Here I have pondered about what kind of message I could offer as a leader. I came to the conclusion that the only message I want and can give is about the transforming power of nonviolence, its tremendous capacity to bring out the best in human beings, even in the worst of circumstances.

Let’s empower ourselves to begin building consciousness. Let’s make a commitment to work for a more just and peaceful country, without the need to resort to the conventional use of brute force. Violence due to ignorance or misconceptions is embedded in many of our traditions and the education system in Colombia. Our average leaders and government officials have commonly portrayed hypocrisy as a strategy for success. It seems to me that today’s politics in Colombia have as their motto “ the end justifies the means.” This scheme is no longer valid or acceptable to me. Yes, we wish for a noble cause. We want to consolidate it and we want a true social transformation to last. Nevertheless, it is the responsibility of us governors to be cautious of the means.

Our task, if we hope for a new Antioquia, is to open the doors to all the possibilities that nonviolence offers and to incorporate them in the different segments of community life—family, education, relationships among people, communities, and nations—overcoming poverty and inequalities to be able to build a new nation based on human principles. I am a true believer in the potential of nonviolence to transform behaviors and attitudes. This in turn will help us to create new forms of politics and new models for social solutions. I feel that we cannot continue justifying violence as inevitable and accepting it as routine. Nonviolence, as Mario Lopez has stated “…allows us to view human beings as talented creatures not limited in nature; capable of achieving the highest ideals and finding the best solutions.” These thoughts almost replicate word by word what I proposed during my campaign for governor. Now is the moment of truth, to prove it to my people by setting an example. That is precisely what I have been doing by means of suffering firsthand the undeserved torture that horrifies all of Colombia’s people: kidnapping.

In any case, beloved Father, these are some of the explanations I wanted to share with you. Please forgive the melodrama....

Being here, in the midst of simplicity and routine, can teach so much to a human being as long as he is willing to learn. Jokingly, we sometimes think of ourselves as graduate students mastering various subjects. One area is tolerance and adaptability to the most ascetic ways of living; another area is nutrition, since we have been able to test how much we can reduce our diets without affecting the good functioning of our bodies. I remember how much you love rice. Here I have learned to value it, and now I consider it a true delicacy. When they give us rice I sometimes do not eat it all; I save it in a little container for the next meal. (I do the same thing with the arepas [traditional pastries], which can last up to a few days this way.) I could do an extended study of the flora and fauna here, but for that I would need a great expert such as Tone. So far what I have been able to enjoy and learn about flora has not been much; I have not even seen that many orchids around yet. In this way I could go on and on with an infinite number of small areas of study. Thus I do not feel I am totally wasting my time here. I also teach English to the officers and noncommissioned officers. With some difficulty, but with the dictionary’s help, I am trying to improve my orthography (I am sure you notice how far from success I remain).

Beloved Father, it would be a great joy for me to hear your voice again or at least receive some news from you. There are a few radio broadcasts (La Carrilera at 5 am-RCN and Las Voces del Secuestro-Caracol), that receive written messages (fax or e-mail) and broadcast them for hostages to listen to. I do not expect you to do it often, but it would certainly make me very happy to listen to you from time to time. If you believe it would not be appropriate I will surely understand. In that case, Yolanda could forward some information about the latest developments in your battles....

The FARC-EP has a much slower pace in dealing with things than we citizens and governors are used to. It is likely that our captivity could lengthen further, and I do not wish you to feel frustrated. So it is better to be prepared in advance for an even longer separation and for the possibility of losing the communication privileges that Gilberto and I have been enjoying up until now, even though there is no particular reason to make me think that a complication could occur in the near future.

Whatever the case may be, dear Father, what I wanted to express with this letter is that everything I have accomplished so far was purposed in accordance with the teachings I received from you and Mother; all the mistakes are mine. I love you and think of you every day. I miss you greatly; you have no idea how much it hurts me to realize the pain I have caused you. I hope you understand after reading this letter that I am fine. I want you to know that I will overcome absolutely anything necessary just to embrace you once again.

With warmest regards from your son who loves and remembers you always,

Guillermo

 

This letter was published in full as an editorial in El Mundo (Medellín, Colombia), May 11, 2003. Translation by Tatiana Maurin, Center for Global Nonviolence, Honolulu, Hawai'i (www.globalnonviolence.org). Glenn D. Paige is the author of Nonkilling Global Political Science (Xlibris 2002, available from FOR) and president of the Center for Global Nonviolence. For more on Gaviria's nonviolence see http://www.colombia-noviolencia.gov.co.